14. The monarchy

But the success was far from be unavoidable. It is possible that the history estuviese of the side of the progressive forces that were aspiring to advance toward the democracy. However, in the first moments after the Franc death, the búnker, entrenched in the army, the policeman and the civil custody, greater had firepower. More than 100.000 falangistas were following possessing weapons license. To a large extent, the solution of the crisis without is produced a massacre on a large scale was depending of the ability of Juan Carlos, on the ministers that he eligiese and on the leaders on the opposition.

The King were faced to a terrible dilemma. There were many factors in favor of the democratization. Juan Carlos could not ignore that important sectors of the Spanish capitalism were anxious by abandoning the political mechanism of the franquismo. To opt audazmente for this solution was meaning to obtain a wide popular support. With all, either was ignoring that the búnker was following having force and that he same would be seen bundle by it mechanism of the constitution franquista. Thus since, in the first moments of their/its/your/his reign advanced with caution.

The leftists were controlled and the búnker were felt optimistic. After all, such comoel búnker would see it, the one which Juan Carlos could preside the restoration of the democracy in Spain would mean to disown of their/its/your/his inheritance and of their/its/your/his education. As Blas Piñar voceó thrilled, - " not it is considered a monarchic restoration, but of the establishment of a monarchy franquista new that it does not has after of yes other thought that it will not be that of the national victory in the civil war " -. Upon excluding of Spain to the monarchy during forty years, and by their/its/your/his arrogance upon naming to their/its/your/his own succeeding, seemed that Exempt had finished with any political neutrality that Juan Carlos could have enjoyed, and that, also, had undermined the others two attributes of the monarchy, the continuity and the legitimacy. It was not surprising that the left received the news from the transition with headlines, in their/its clandestine publications, as the following: Not to an imposed King! or Not to a King franquista!.

The survival in the long run of Juan Carlos was depending of the fact that could arrive to a commitment with the increasingly strong desire of the Spanish of living in democracy, but Exempt had jumbled the constitutional letters in such a way that the possibilities of action of the King were extremely difficult. The institutions of the regime, the Council of the Kingdom, the National Council of the Movement and the Courts, was found in hands of franquista convinced, and behind them were the army and the civil custody on the other hand, was existing an international support in favor of a democratization process; and in the mass of the coronation the cardinal Enrique and Tarancón had participating made to the King of the popular esperanzas, when had exhorted to him/her/you to be converted into - " King of all the Spanish " -.

Their/its/your/his first government was, to first sight, quite disappoint you for those that had reform esperanzas. Presided by Arias, was including great number of elements of the hard line. But there was certain number of meaningful innovations: Manuel Fraga, in Governance; Areilza, in Foreign Matters, and Antonio Garrigues, in Justice. All they were committed men, as era known, with the change. And all they, as several other ministers, they had been sooner or later representative of the important Spanish company interest or of important multinational corporations, as the United States Steel, IBM, Rank Xerox and General Electric.

Never as then it interest them in the great capitalism had had a so visible representation in the Spanish Government. What was seeming to suggest that, weigh to the búnker, is entreveía in horizon some exchange rate. Great meaning had also ,en all case, the appointment of Torcuato Fernández of Miranda as president of the Courts. Their/its/your/his capacity for the political intrigue, their/its/your/his knowledge of the constitutional laws franquistas and their/its/your/his relative familiarity with all the political elite franquista were making of he a perfect guide for the labyrinth in the one which Juan Carlos was trapped.

The reaction of the increasingly wide coalition of the opposition was that of to denounce what were considering as mere exercises for the continuity. As alternative, the opposition propugnaba a rapid and total seclusion of the franquismo, the call democratic break. The Government was waiting actually be able to concede to the Spanish the grace, of paternalistic way, of a moderate democratization that could solve the crisis without provoking to the búnker. But this was remaining far away of demands of the opposition, that was wishing a total political amnesty, the authorization of all the political parties, free unions, the dismantlement of the movement and of the unions and free elections. The next eighteen mese went to attend a force test among both options. Of the threat of the popular agitation, on the one hand, and of the threat of the búnker and of the army, by the other was born the democracy in 1977.

It did not happen much time so that the first government of Juan Carlos is seen forced to verify that only a clearest commitment with the democratic forms would avoid serious dangers for the system in force. In the first months of 1976 were produced massive demonstrations in favor of the amnesty of the political prisoners and were multiplied the occupational strikes of large dimensions. This had to be, in part, to the communist call in favor of a - " national democratic action " -, but above all was reflecting the exigency of the popular bulk of a political change.

In January, Madrid remained paralyzed by a strikes wave organized by Worker Commissions. In February, the Assemblea of Catalunya mobilized to more than 100.00 persons in bulk demonstrations on behalf of the amnesty, throughout several successive Sundays. In March was summoned to a general strike in the Basque Country, organized by an assorted spectrum of local political forces that was including ETA, HE, FOB and LAIA, as protest by the death by the policeman of five persons in Vitoria. The communist leaders had of accepting the fact of the fact that the possibilities for a - " national democratic action " - were remaining limited to Madrid and Barcelona, since the situation in the Basque Country was uncontrollable. It was seen thus the compelling need of arriving to a most close union with the Democratic Convergence Platform. Upon abandoning the communist insistence in a total break and in the march of Juan Carlos, Pulley was seen remunerated with the fusion, 4 of April, of the Board and of the Platform, pear form Democratic Coordination.

The strengthening of the opposition caused deep preoccupation in the Government. The events of Vitoria had damaged gravely the credibility of Fraga as reformist and, in a dramatic return to past styles, arrived to be obsessed by the reestablishment of the law and the order. The Government was persisting in their/its/your/his pledge of preparing as would be a new law of political associations, without be deposited, apparently, of the fact that their/its/your/his limited reform plan had stranded was making time. The opposition, as far as he/she is concerned, was being given account of the fact that a total and radical overthrow of the franquismo not only was difficult to carrying out, but furthermore, probably, would lead to other civil war. This was evident when the PCE decided to abandon the idea of the democratic break and to accept with the PSOE and the Christian Democratic the covenanted break idea. The creation of Democratic Coordination was implying, in fact, a most realistic valuation of the limits of the bulk action and a draft toward an amplification of the front of the opposition, in order to include in him center and even groups of centroderecha, in order to isolate simultaneously Government.