The increase in the socioeconomic instability made to increase, on the other hand, the preoccupation of the regime with respect to the Franc succession and to the subsequent years to their/its/your/his disappearance. Was making already much time that Exempt had been committed officially to make to return the monarchy to Spain. Aside from their/its/your/his personal repugnance to abandon the power, the Commander was decided, also, to name solely a successor fully committed with the perpetuación of their/its/your/his regime, what was excluding of input to sir Juan of Borbón and to Carlos I Flee.
In effect, the prince Juan Carlos had been prepared for their/its/your/his future cargo and their/its/your/his presentation and introduction in the official life had begun in the years sixty. However, Exempt had postponed always it more possible their/its/your/his final decision, in order to preserve the support of all the different monarchic factions and to avoid the opposition of the falangistas. The situation was clarified around the end of 1968 after the expulsion from Carlos I Flee. Afterwards, 22 of July of 1969, Exempt proclaimed succeeding official to Juan Carlos and, on the following day, the prince lent loyalty oath to Exempt, to the principles of the Movement and to the fundamental laws of the State.
The appointment of Juan Carlos was received with satisfaction in the circles franquistas, that would see that of this manner had been taken finally the definitive measures to guarantee the continuity of the regime. The liberal monarchists that were supporting to sir Juan and propugnaban an evolution policy from within, were felt disappointed upon seeing be vanished their/its esperanzas and some of they began to be approximated to the democratic opposition. Also the falangistas were felt disappointed, though were consoled thinking that the survival of the franquismo without Exempt would facilitate their/its/your/his own survival. Neither they nor the enemies of the regime could anticipate the paper that would play Juan Carlos in the transition to the democracy in 1976 and 1977.
It will be as will be, though the appointment of Juan Carlos was solving by the moment the problem of the Franc succession, it did not solve the incipient power struggle with relation to the nature of the future regime. The divisions among aperturistas and inmovilistas they were producing dissent (futile, as would be seen within little) on the problem of the political associations. In 1967, the inmovilistas had obtained be the winners in all the battles on projects of laws related to the religious freedom, to the familiar representation and to the Organizational Law, but in 1968 the aperturistas had been capable of introducing in the Statute of the Movement an article that was permitting the associations training within Movement, that would facilitate the formulation and the contrast of legitimate opinions.
But what revealed the uselessness of the attempt of formalizing a pluralismo limited of the forces of the regime was the approval, on the part of National Council of the Movement, of the Associations Statute, the call Statute Solís, in July of 1969. Associations of opinion without meant some, they did not had electoral function some, and were requiring a number of minimal members fixed in 25.000, and their/its/your/his authorization was remaining the arbitrament of the National Council. The associations, totally rejected by the democratic opposition, they were limited to the fractions franquistas: Force New, of Blas Piñar; Political Action, of Pious Cabanillas; Spanish Social Reform, of Cantarero of the Castle.
Exempt had not been ever opposite to the efforts to endow to their/its/your/his regime of a cosmetic liberalism cap, though only were about to to impress to the international office. Good had care, also, of staying paragraph of the internal struggles among their/its collaborative, except when could reinforce their/its/your/his own position exploiting those divisions. Nevertheless, there was not the smaller doubts of the fact that Exempt was carrying their/its friendliness more toward the inmovilistas. Such friendliness, with all, were remaining underlying customarily to their/its/your/his survival instinct. What remained illustrated graphically by the treatment that gave Exempt to the scandals Matesa, that left to the light in August of 1969.
The falangistas had tolerated malamente the growing predominance of the technocrats of the Opus Dei. Were fearing, also, that that predominance is consolidated in the future, with the monarchy of Juan Carlos. The matter Matesa seemed be the perfect manner to re-establish the power falangista.
Matesa was a company directed by Juan Mean you Laugh, intimate friend of Laureano López of Rolled, the minister of the Development Plan. The company had been seen involved in a gigantic illegal funds appropriation of the obtained state fraudulently of the Industrial Credit Bank. The funds, in connection with 10 billion of pesetas, they had been used to finance the adventures of the Opus Dei abroad. Near Mean you Laugh and to López Rolled, the ministers most directly involved, Faustino García Moncó, of Trade, and Juan José Prickly san martín, of Estate, more the governor of the Bank of Spain, Mariano navarro Blond, they were all members of the Opus Dei. Solís and Fraga saw arrived their/its/your/his moment. Fraga permitted that the publications chain of the Movement launched a violent campaign against the Opus, with the discreet support of other groups equally adverse to the Opus Dei. However, both had assignment a serious calculation mistake upon hefting the situation.
