It will be as will be, the Teamster plan was going to end with their/its/your/his assassination and with the general economic crisis. Hardly two years after their/its/your/his death would be seen to the aperturistas to attempt to manipulate the political liberalization as a substitute of the economic prosperity. In 1970s, however, was subsisting the hope of an educational reform, of a new union law, of an improvement of the relationships Church - State and, even, by very illusory that this could seem, of entering the European Economic Community.
In effect, 29 of 1970s June, Brave López procured a preferential commercial agreement with the Community, though the full integration siguiese depending on a political liberalization that the regime was unable to carrying out. However, the agreement was arriving in a moment of political recovery, and gave foot for some optimism, but, in last resort, the Government of Teamster would be shown unable to solving the most serious conflicts among the State franquista and wide sectors of the Spanish society.
The educational reform hardly produced something else that the masificación, intended for to create the large director batches, technical and officials that the new Spain capitalistic was demanding. This added a deep educational dissatisfaction to the political dissatisfaction of the students. Consequently, the university agitation increased.
At the same time it was boosted the divorce among the church and the regime. This was, in part, a response to the increase in the occupational conflicts and to the rapidity with which the Government of White Teamster appealed to a form of violent repression that most of the Spanish believed have let back in the years forty. The strikes and the police terror employed against the huelgistas gave an air of irrealidad to the discussions on the new union law.
1970s began with strikes in Asturias, that were extended quickly and became the most serious from the wave huelguística of 1962. By mid January had already 30.000 working in strike in the north. The Government was seen obligated to import coal to maintain in operation industries of the iron and of the steel. This was a relative victory for Brave López, since an important part of imports came of the countries of the This (though this reflected also the arrangement of the USSR to punish the Spanish communists by their/its/your/his indiscipline more than, maybe, the success of the opening of Brave López the USSR,
The occupational tension increase during the spring and the first months of the summer. Reached their/its/your/his climactic point when were produced the strikes of the construction, of Grenada, and the of the meter, of Madrid. 21 of July, the policeman opened fire on 2.000 worker of the construction in Grenada, killing to three and injuring to six. Maybe, the test of the identity and authority crisis that the regime was suffering was the one which is appealed to the police violence in that way. This impression is reinforced by the hysterical reaction of the press of the Movement, that launched an immediate assault against the clergy granadino, accusing it of have provoked the strike. 28 of July, the Grenada archbishop, Benavent Escuín, until later considered as conservative, published a pastoral letter in the one which was condemning the brutality of the policeman and was defending to the worker priests that they had been assaulted by the newspapers falangistas.
Considering, jealously, that the union area was their/its/your/his exclusive reservation, the falangistas were irritated by the intervention of the Church and were enraged by the fact of the fact that the archbishop Benavent was demanding, furthermore, channels through those which the workers could present their/its legitimate recoveries. The Grenada cathedral had served as sanctuary for the strikers and it was being made common in Spain the use of buildings of the Church for similar end (such as worker meetings and refuge anta the policeman). And, finally, they were the violent attacks rencorosos of the Force extremists New against the cures what at the same time removed yet more to the Church of the regime.
The occupational dissatisfaction, of the that the Grenada strike had been so only an episode, was reflex of the growing force of worker Commissions and of the continuous presence of the HOAC and of the JOC. 26 of July, more than hundred representative of the three organizations had been gathered in a monastery of The you Grub to plan a common strategy. Though the meeting was interrupted by the policeman, that stopped to some of their/its leaders, had time of taking various decisions with respect to the policy to follow on various aspects, among those which was included plans for the coordination of a national action session.
The conflicting atmosphere and of instability was made denser 29 of July, when, for the first time from the civil war, the Madrid meter remained paralyzed by a strike that it was the three month unexpected culmination of discussions on the wages. A urgency meeting of the Government decided militarizar to 3.800 worker, what was meaning that they could be submitted to a Court to fight by sedition. The strikers did not had other option that to return to the work.
The impression of the fact that the regime were shown brutal because were afraid was seen confirmed on the following day, when in Pamplona the policeman loaded with horses against a demonstration. The return to the restrictive tacticss was producing something very important: a number every time greater than persons estaba convincing of the need of the unit, in order to reach the political change.
This remained clear in 1970s autumn. While were continuing sporadic strikes in Madrid and in Asturias, 3 of November, Worker Commissions opted for launching a plan that anticipated a 24-hour general strike, to press in favor of the amnesty of the political prisoners.
In certain sense, the plan resulted counteractive, since provided to the authorities the occasion and the pretext to undertake violent reprisals. Due to the repression and to the lack of an immediate economic motivation, response to the session of November struggle was blurred. However, it compared with the peaceful national strike of 1959, the struggle session was not a total failure. Even the official estimates, exageradamente decreases, they had of admitting that the strike had been followed by 25.000 person, in particular in Catalonia, in the Basque Country, Madrid and Seville.
There were important indicia of the fact that the strikes in question had not been inspirational so only already by economic motivations. This was seen confirmed by the public support given to the struggle session of intellectual, artists and students, in Barcelona as well as in Madrid. Was evident that was increasing the solidarity among the forces of the opposition, to the time that was enlarged the splits in the forces coalition franquistas. Paralelamente, the Government was returning, due to the pressures to the fact that would be seen submitted, to their/its primary instincts.
